Sadiq Kayem is the power behind the uprising.

The system of unjust quotas in government jobs was a curse for the country's deserving and skilled candidates. This system gradually led to the erosion of state structures. A massive movement for logical reform of quotas emerged in 2018. Faced with intense pressure, the authoritarian Hasina government was compelled to abolish the quota system. However,the government made a shortsighted decision, reinstating a discriminatory quota system by manipulating the High Court.

From the outset, we actively participated in the movement against reinstating quotas. Our strategies were formulated by analyzing possible government responses rather than focusing solely on leadership. Achieving our demands was our priority.

Between June 5 and July 36 of 2024, the Islamist student organization Islami Chhatra Shibir was directly and indirectly involved in policy-making and field-level implementation. Leaders like Central Secretary Zahidul Islam, Literature Secretary Sibghatullah, Dhaka University Secretary SM Farhad, and Organizational Secretary Mohiuddin Khan played active roles in planning and execution. Strategic discussions were held with coordinators like Nahid Islam, Asif Mahmud, Hasnat Abdullah, and Mahfuz Alam.

The events of the July uprising cannot be fully detailed in the limited space of a newspaper article. However, some key moments are worth mentioning. Hasina sealed her downfall by labeling protesting students as "collaborators." On July 14, universities across the country resonated with the slogan "Who are you? Who am I? Collaborator, collaborator." Instead of expressing remorse, the autocratic Hasina unleashed her loyal student wing, Chhatra League, on the peaceful protestors. On July 15, Chhatra League brutally attacked the students, marking one of the darkest chapters in the history of Dhaka University.



Amid the chaos, we ensured immediate medical attention for the injured at Dhaka Medical College. Anger surged within us. While student numbers on campus were initially low, the Dhaka metropolitan branches of Chhatra Shibir mobilized their resources at the request of the students. Coordinated by Asif Mahmud and Nahid Islam, a press conference was organized to expose the atrocities.

The nine-point demands, crafted by SM Farhad, myself, and other Shibir leaders, including Zahidul Islam and Dhaka University alumni, became a cornerstone of the movement. These demands were widely disseminated despite government-imposed curfews.

One significant aspect of our efforts was engaging private university students. They showed remarkable courage, particularly in protests at Rampura and Badda. When six coordinators were detained by intelligence agencies, arrangements were made for their safety in collaboration with journalists like Zulkar Nain Sayer. Press releases continued in their names, bolstering the movement.

The regime's violent suppression escalated into massacres and mass arrests nationwide. We compiled lists of the injured and martyrs, often at great personal risk. On July 27, during an online press conference, Shibir-backed documentation of the atrocities was released, gaining widespread international attention.

Innovative protest strategies, like wearing red cloths over faces to symbolize unity, were proposed by leaders such as Ali Ahsan Junayed and SM Farhad. This resonated deeply across all sections of society. Despite nationwide arrests and attacks, the movement persisted. On July 31, the "March for Justice" called for justice for victims and an end to repression.

The climactic days of the revolution involved intense clashes. On August 4, revolutionary forces effectively occupied Shahbagh. Despite heavy casualties, the regime’s downfall became inevitable. Finally, on August 5, the dictator Hasina fled the country, and a new era of freedom was declared with the establishment of a “fascist-free” Bangladesh.

Throughout the revolution, we maintained coordination with journalists, medical teams, and legal advisors. When the question arose about the leadership of the new government, Dr. Yunus was unanimously chosen and requested to take up the responsibility.

This movement, marked by extraordinary sacrifices and resilience, unified people across backgrounds, including public and private universities, madrassas, and other sectors. It is now our shared dream to build a just state, reflecting the aspirations of the martyrs.

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